When Cong. Todd Akin made his comment about “legitimate rape”, I knew he was saying what he meant and he meant what he was saying. He is a member of the U.S. House of Representatives fromMissouri. The frame of reference for him is history. He knows his white history and he speaks from white history.
Virtually, all Blacks in the United States have no knowledge of Black history. This conclusion was reached by Dr. Carter G. Woodson. With a lack of knowledge of Black history, Blacks are unable to understand themselves and they are unable to understand whites. They summarily and cavalierly have concluded that Akin is a racist.
It is more to Akin than for Blacks to summarily dismiss him as a racist. Unlike the modus operandi of Blacks, Akin is reasoning from a philosophy. This reasoning is reflected in the history of whites. In some, if not all, quarters in the United States, rape is legitimate. Thus, Akin was speaking the truth from the white, male perspective.
In April 1988, for example, New York State Attorney General Robert Abrams said that since Tawana Brawley was only fifteen years of age when she claimed that six white men had raped her, it would be difficult for New York State to prosecute any suspects for statutory rape based on her age.
Newsday reported Abrams’ assertion in April 1988. Like David N. Dinkins, Rev. Herbert Daughtry and Charles Barron, most Blacks were in accord with these Black men. They have a long history of a master-servant with Abrams. This meant that I was walking on thin ice in defending Tawana Brawley. I was obviously a “public menace,” according to these Blacks. Therefore, I should be disbarred without a hearing. I was.
A similar issue about the purview of rape arose in Missouri v. Celia, A Slave. Missouri had recently decided that a white woman could be raped. Celia, A Slave unsuccessfully argued in a murder prosecution that she had a right to kill her slave master who was attempting to rape her again.
This killing happened on June 23, 1855. The slave master had already fathered two children by Celia, A Slave. In the meantime,Missouri was addressing the claims of Dred Scott. Under a new law,Missouri courts said that only white women could be raped but only someone other than the slave master could be guilty of only trespassing. Celia, A Slave was only three-fifths of a person.
A jury of only white males, in accordance with the law, decided that the slave master had been murdered. A “slave” could not testify against any white person and especially against her slave master. The trial judge refused to instruct the jury that Celia A Slave could seek to claim self-defense. The appellate court agreed. Celia, A Slave was hanged on December 21, 1855 after she had from prison.
After Missouri decided that Celia, A Slave was a suspect in the death of Robert Newson, her slave master, it accorded to Celia, A Slave the right to counsel. Nearly 132 years later, New York decided that Tawana Brawley was not entitled to counsel. When I insisted on representing Tawana Brawley, New York countered by not only ceasing my license to practice law but it acted as co-counsel with the plaintiff in Pagones v. Maddox, et. al.
Nearly two years after the rape of Tawana Brawley, a white woman, Patricia Meili, claimed that she had been raped in Central Park. When four Black lawyers represented three of the seven Black and Latino defendants, New York would, afterwards, disbar three of them and suspend another Black lawyer. They knew better. Blacks have no right to defend themselves against the false accusations of a white woman.
At least, Missouri decided that a slave was entitled to the right to counsel. New York not only has a current practice of punishing a Black woman for making an accusation against a white man but it will punish any Black lawyer for attempting to defend her. This is what Cong. Akin means about “legitimate rape”